Iowa Ag-Gag: Putting Industry over Free Speech
By: Meredith Kaufman and Justin Schwegel
In January 2019,
in Animal Legal Defense Fund v. Reynolds,
the U.S. District Court for the District of Iowa held the state’s “Agricultural production facility fraud” statute unconstitutional on summary
judgment. The 2012 law created the crime of agricultural production facility
fraud for the following:
(a) Obtain[ing] access to an agricultural
production facility by false pretenses.
(b) Mak[ing] a false statement or
representation as part of an application or agreement to be employed at an
agricultural production facility, if the person knows the statement to be
false, and makes the statement with an intent to commit an act not authorized
by the owner of the agricultural production facility, knowing that the act is
not authorized.
The Speech at Issue is Protected Under Alvarez
The Iowa law is
an affront to the First Amendment’s Free Speech Clause and a misplaced effort
to shield industry from constitutionally protected speech. This article will
not summarize the District Court’s opinion, but rather function as an
assessment of the law’s constitutional deficiencies.
Because this law
concerns false speech, U.S.
v. Alvarez applies.
In Alvarez, the U.S. Supreme Court
held that false speech is not unprotected, but neither is it always protected;
false speech made for the purpose of material gain, material advantage, or that
inflicts a legally cognizable harm can be lawfully criminalized.
Beginning with
Section (a), “obtain[ing] access to an agricultural production facility by
false pretenses” does not necessarily result in material gain, material
advantage, or inflict a legally cognizable harm such that it should be deemed
unprotected speech under Alvarez.
One might lie to
gain access to an agricultural production facility to determine whether or not eating
meat is ethical based on the conditions under which animals are raised. Viewing
what happens inside a slaughterhouse might inform this decision. Nonetheless,
one might wish to keep their true intentions to themselves, and claim their
real motive is to write an article for a meat appreciation blog, such as Meating
Place. In this instance,
there is no material gain or advantage, nor is there a legally cognizable harm to
the facility, but such an actor would be guilty under Iowa’s agricultural
production facility fraud law. This is a crime for which one could be convicted of a serious misdemeanor, notwithstanding the dubious constitutional
grounds under which they would be charged.
Let us turn to
Section (b). At first glance, Section (b) might appear to be more in line with
the sort of unprotected false speech the Court had in mind in Alvarez. The issue with Section (b), like Section (a), is that it is
simply too broad. Let’s use another hypothetical: can a reporter for the
Associated Press who seeks to confirm reports of animal abuse at a facility run
afoul of the criteria set forth in Alvarez?
Indeed, Ag-gag laws such as Iowa’s exist to curb exactly this type of activity.
If the reporter gains employment
under false pretenses, such as misrepresenting her true identity and
relationship with an internationally syndicated press outlet, and seeks a job
with the intent to expose potential animal abuse occurring at the facility, she
has violated section (b) of the Iowa statute.
But this lie
does not necessarily result in material gain or advantage to the undercover journalist
because the lie is intended to expose abuses of animal welfare, rather than accrue
to the journalist’s personal gain. In Alvarez
the Court stated in dicta that the government may restrict speech without violating
the First Amendment if the false claims are “made to effect a fraud or secure
moneys or other valuable considerations, say offers of employment.” However, there is a clear distinction
between the dicta in Alvarez and the
speech prohibited by the Iowa statute.
An undercover
journalist does not lie in order to obtain any valuable consideration, i.e.
gainful employment; she lies about seeking gainful employment to gain access to
facts and information. An undercover journalist who surreptitiously films without
intending to receive or cash a paycheck is not defrauding an agricultural
facility of valuable consideration in the manner described by Alvarez, however she would run afoul of
the Iowa statute. While the state may introduce criminal penalties for the job
seeker who lies about experience in order to secure an income, the state may
not criminalize false speech intended to gain access to facts and information
relevant to the public discourse. The former is fraud; the latter is
investigative journalism.
Consider the
further hypothetical that the journalist does, in fact, find animal abuse
taking place at the agricultural facility. Exposing this abuse may cause financial harm to the facility, but this
is not necessarily equivalent legally
cognizable harm. In Alvarez, the Court
pointed out that legally
cognizable harm arises in the case of defamation, fraud, or other harm
“associated with a false statement
[emphasis added].” A journalist may gain access to an agricultural facility
through misrepresentation. However, if the information she prints is true, or the
video footage is authentic, while it may cause financial harm, it is not legally cognizable.
Protected False Speech Must Withstand
Strict Scrutiny
Because neither
section of the law is unprotected false speech under Alvarez, the law must withstand strict scrutiny in order to
survive. Under this rigorous standard a law must be narrowly tailored to serve
a compelling interest, restricting no more speech than is necessary to achieve
the purpose of the law.
The state’s
proffered interests—private property interests and biosecurity—might be deemed
compelling (although the District Court determined they were only ‘important’)
but the law is not narrowly tailored to either of these interests. How false
speech implicates biosecurity any more so than other speech is unclear.
Moreover, if the issue truly is about biosecurity and property rights, there
are many content-neutral alternatives: the state could criminalize conduct
which results in property damage instead. In fact, Iowa already has such laws on the books.
Because both
sections of this law fail to meet strict scrutiny, the law is unconstitutional.
Are there ways a legislature can draft constitutional Ag-gag laws; yes. Is it
good policy to do so; no.
This article has provided a brief
summary of constitutional issues associated with Iowa’s Ag-gag law. If you’re
interested in a more comprehensive analysis of this law in addition to Ag-gag
laws in Kansas, Idaho, and Utah, Meredith’s article The Clash of Agricultural Exceptionalism and the First Amendment: A
Discussion of Kansas’ Ag-Gag Law is forthcoming in the spring edition of
the Journal of Food Law & Policy (Kaufman, Meredith, The Clash of Agricultural Exceptionalism and the First Amendment: A
Discussion of Kansas’ Ag-Gag Law (J. Food L. & Pol’y Spring 2019)).
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